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The Tbilisi Circus Act Three Is Over

Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili.
By Viktor Litovkin
UPI Outside View Commentator
Moscow (UPI) Oct 04 2006
The circus show, poorly orchestrated and performed by the Georgian security services, is over. The four arrested Russian officers were deported to Russia after five days in prison, and arrived in Moscow safe and sound. Nevertheless, Russia's economic, transport, bank and postal blockade of Georgia in response to what President Vladimir Putin called an "act of state terrorism", has not been lifted. Nobody can guarantee that the Georgian authorities will stop their illegal actions against Russian citizens in Georgia.

The outrageous impudence and brazen provocations of the Georgian leadership towards Russia and its citizens have become typical of what the West still calls "Georgia's most successful democratic government." It is hard to judge of "the successes of the Georgian economy" if the very existence of the Tbilisi ruling elite depends on the aid of its Western sponsors.

As for the "democratic" character of President Mikhail Saakashvili and his ministers, the arrest of the Russian officers speaks for itself. The officers arrived in Georgia a couple of months ago to organize troop withdrawal. They were accused of spying, establishing an espionage network, preparing a coup d'etat, and staging acts of terror at power transmission lines in Kavkasioni. They were also charged with the explosion of a car in the town of Gori last year, as a result of which three people died and 18 were wounded. The officers must have been very busy!

No conclusive evidence was presented to buttress these accusations. There was only a poorly doctored tape with a recording of some car conversations, whereby one officer handed money to the locals -- either for spying, or as payment for chacha (Georgian home-brew).

The conspirators, arrested by the Georgian authorities, made a televised confession to the preparation of terrorist arracks (with the involvement of Russians). In the 1930s, the subordinates of Soviet security and police chiefs Yagoda, Yezhov, and Georgian Beria managed to get much more stunning confessions from prominent members of the Bolshevik Party, international communist leaders, commanders of military districts and armies.

But despite the lack of evidence and in the absence of a lawyer, the Tbilisi court sentenced the four Russian officers to two months in prison pending trial. Several days later they are released and deported by the president's decision without any sanctions from the court or the prosecutor's office. Such serious charges as espionage and terrorist activities were not dropped.

Can Georgia be called a democratic state ruled by law? This was just a whim of the personal power regime established by Saakashvili in Tbilisi, or a theatrical attempt to stop the appalling provocation, which was denounced by the United Nations, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and other prestigious international organizations. In response to this provocation, the Kremlin has imposed sanctions on Georgia.

Will the infamous end of the provocation, and the imposition of sanctions against Tbilisi lead to the cessation of countless unfounded claims by the Georgian authorities against Russia and its citizens? Will this interlude in Tbilisi's circus show turn into its end? Will this serious diplomatic lesson become an excuse to establish good neighborly relations with Russia, and resume our traditional cooperation and sincere friendship, which lasted for many centuries?

This seems highly dubious because the audacious and venturesome Georgian leaders have gone too far. Saakashvili and his security and law-enforcement ministers have passed the point of no return. But the main reason is that, judging by Washington's support for Tbilisi actions, they are not independent figures in geopolitical games on the post-Soviet space. They are zealously paying off the advances they have received for the futile and ungracious task of ousting Russia from the South Caucasus.

Nobody is likely to do this, and we feel sorry for the ordinary people in Georgia, who are unwittingly becoming victims of this pointless and counterproductive policy.

There are other urgent questions associated with this conflict. What should Tbilisi do (or not do) for Moscow to lift sanctions? So that Russian planes fly to Tbilisi, trains go to Georgia, and ships, to the ports of Batumi and Poti? So that bank and postal money transfers are resumed between Russia and Georgia? There are no answers to these questions.

Nor is there an answer to the following question: does the Kremlin have other trump cards except for military action and the blockade of the Georgian coast, if Tbilisi continues its policy of outrageous provocations against Russia and its citizens?

We will have to wait for the answer. Let's hope that the escalation of the conflict, which does no credit to Tbilisi or Moscow, will soon come to a halt, and Georgia's poorly staged circus shows will become a thing of the past. Georgia and Russia should realize that they are next-door neighbors. Sooner or later they will have to come to terms to the benefit of both sides, whether Tbilisi's sponsors want it or not.

(Viktor Litovkin is a defense commentator for RIA Novosti. This article was reprinted with permission from the news agency.)

(United Press International's "Outside View" commentaries are written by outside contributors who specialize in a variety of important issues. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of United Press International. In the interests of creating an open forum, original submissions are invited.)

Source: United Press International

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Romania And Bulgaria Head For EU Membership
Bratislavia, Slovakia (UPI) Sep 26, 2006
Whatever else motivated the European Union to invite Bulgaria and Romania to join the 25 nation bloc next January, it was not the wealth they will add to Europe's economy. After accession, the two Black Sea countries will add 6 percent to the EU's population, currently about 450 million, but just one percent to gross domestic product. Figures from the EU's statistical agency Eurostat put wealth levels at 35 percent of the EU average for Romania and just 32 percent for Bulgaria.







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